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53701
From: chatillon, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Ilan Pappe on Gaza(NT)
URL: link
| (NT) |
Responses:
[53722] [53710] [53715] [53713] [53741] [53716] [53717] [53724] [53729] [53732] [53728] [53735] [53719] [53725] [53730] [53731]
53722
From: chatillon, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Who is Ilan Pappe?
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Ilan Pappé (Hebrew: אילן פפה, pronounced [iˈlan paˈpe]; born 7 November 1954) is an Israeli historian, political scientist and former politician. He is a professor with the College of Social Sciences and International Studies at the University of Exeter in the United Kingdom, director of the university's European Centre for Palestine Studies, and co-director of the Exeter Centre for Ethno-Political Studies. Pappé was born in Haifa, Israel.[1] Prior to coming to the UK, he was a senior lecturer in political science at the University of Haifa (1984–2007) and chair of the Emil Touma Institute for Palestinian and Israeli Studies in Haifa (2000–2008).[2] He is the author of Ten Myths About Israel (2017), The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (2006), The Modern Middle East (2005), A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples (2003), and Britain and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (1988).[3] He was also a leading member of Hadash,[4] and was a candidate on the party list in the 1996[5] and 1999[6] Knesset elections. Pappé is one of Israel's New Historians who, since the release of pertinent British and Israeli government documents in the early 1980s, have offered an unconventional view of Israel's creation in 1948, and the corresponding flight and expulsion of 700,000 Palestinians in the same year. He has written that the expulsions were not decided on an ad hoc basis, as other historians have argued, but constituted the ethnic cleansing of Palestine, in accordance with Plan Dalet, drawn up in 1947 by Israel's future leaders.[7] In a 2004 interview, Pappé said "The aim has always been, and it still remains, to have as much of Palestine as possible with as few Palestinians in it as possible."[8] He blames the creation of Israel for the lack of peace in the Middle East, arguing that Zionism is more dangerous than Islamic militancy, and has called for an international boycott of Israeli academics.[9][10] Pappé supports the one-state solution, which envisages a unitary state for Palestinians and Israelis.[11] His work has been both supported and criticized by other historians. Before he left Israel in 2008, he had been condemned in the Knesset, Israel's parliament; a minister of education had called for him to be sacked; his photograph had appeared in a newspaper at the centre of a target; and he had received several death threats. [12] continued at link |
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53710
From: chatillon, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: Ilan Pappe on Gaza - Transcript
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Transcript 0:00 there was no Gaza Strip the Gaza the 0:03 strip the strip itself is an Israeli 0:07 invention Gaza was a cosmopolitical town 0:11 on viam Maris the road from Alexandria 0:16 up to 0:17 Alexandretta in turkey and because it 0:20 was the main road on the sea many people 0:24 from different countries and cultured 0:26 passed through Gaza and uh uh left an 0:30 impact that turned it into one of the 0:33 most cosmopolitical towns uh before 0:37 1948 it also had a very a a good system 0:43 of uh 0:45 coexistence between Muslims 0:49 Christians and Jews just recently A 0:53 friend of ours found an interesting uh 0:56 declaration in 0:58 1905 by by uh the three heads of the 1:01 religions in the city of Gaza uh uh 1:06 expressing their Delight in 1:09 1905 and how well are the three 1:13 communities deal with issues of friction 1:17 disagreement and uh a 1:21 conflict Israel created the Gaza Strip 1:24 because unlike other places into which 1:28 it could push 1:30 the many Palestinians it expelled during 1:33 the nakba during the 1948 catastrophe 1:37 unlike other countries such as Lebanon 1:40 Syria and Jordan that were willing to 1:45 receive the hundreds of thousands of 1:47 Palestinians that Israel expelled Egypt 1:51 closed its border Egypt refused to 1:54 accept even one Palestinian and because 1:57 of that the leader of Israel 2:00 the great architect of the ethnic 2:02 cleansing of 2:03 1948 David benuron who ashamedly has a 2:08 boul named after him in 2:10 Paris is a war criminal and he decided 2:16 that Israel is willing to give 2% of 2:20 historical Palestine in order to turn it 2:24 into the biggest refugee camp in the 2:26 world and that's how the Gaza Strip was 2:29 created ated by the Israelis as a kind 2:33 of 2:34 rectangle structure a geometric kind of 2:37 structure into which Israel pushed the 2:40 Palestinians from the central of 2:42 Palestine and from the south that Egypt 2:46 did not was unwilling to 2:50 accept the last group of Palestinians 2:53 who were pushed into the Gaza Strip were 2:57 those living in 11 villages 3:00 on Whose ruins on the ruins of these 3:03 Villages Israel built the 3:05 settlements that were attacked on the 3:08 7th of October by the 3:11 Hamas so the Hamas 3:14 attacked settlements built on the 3:17 ruins of the last Villages of Palestine 3:22 that were destroyed by the Israeli Army 3:25 and expelled to GA in the Israeli 3:28 archive we have a very uh known document 3:32 called order number 40 order number 40 3:36 is from the 25th of November 3:39 1948 and it was sent by the Israeli 3:42 Central Command to the Commander in the 3:45 area of Gaza and it has the name of the 3:48 11 Villages and the order says and I 3:52 quote literally what the order says 3:55 occupy the village expel all the people 3:58 to Gaza burn the 4:01 houses and demolish the stone houses 4:05 because some of the houses of the 4:06 Palestinian villages in 1948 were built 4:10 of hot of of uh mortar and uh and straw 4:15 and therefore it was possible to burn 4:17 them but the stone houses had to be 4:20 blown up by the Israeli Army so one 4:24 historical context we have here is a 4:27 generation of Grand grandfathers and 4:32 grandmothers fathers and mothers 4:36 grandchildren that live either directly 4:39 or 4:41 indirectly the nakba of 1948 in a very 4:44 Vivid way on a daily basis not only 4:48 because they are thinking about Jaffa or 4:51 they are thinking about BBA or any other 4:54 place from which they were expelled but 4:57 also by watching the isra daily 5:00 settlements on the other side of the 5:02 fence from which most of their uh 5:06 parents and grandparents came from and 5:09 uh R mentioned the the U March of return 5:14 in 2018 this was exactly one of the uh 5:18 objective of the march of return to 5:20 remind the world that the settlement on 5:23 the other side of the fence the ones who 5:25 would be attacked on the 7th of October 5:29 were Palestinian Villages destroyed 5:32 through the ethnic censing of 5:35 1948 |
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53715
From: akira, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Democracy Now! - Ilan Pappe on the Context Behind Current Violence
URL: https://www.democracynow.org/2023/10/31/ilan_pappe_israel_invades_gaza
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Israeli Historian Ilan Pappé on Gaza War, Hostages & the Context Behind Current Violence OCTOBER 31, 2023 Ilan Pappé Israeli historian. LINKS "The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge" "The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine" "A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples" Vea/Lea en espańol "We speak with Israeli historian Ilan Pappé about Israel’s escalating war on Gaza, as well as a leaked document from the country’s Ministry of Intelligence that suggests permanently expelling Gaza’s entire population to the Sinai Desert in Egypt. “This is a massive operation of killing, of ethnic cleansing, of depopulation,” says Pappé. He also says the only way to secure the release of the more than 200 hostages held by Hamas is to agree to an all-for-all swap for the thousands of Palestinian political prisoners held by Israel, including many women, children and elderly people. “This is the only way to release the people who were taken.” Pappé is a leading critic of the Israeli occupation, a professor of history and the director of the European Centre for Palestine Studies at the University of Exeter. His books include The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples and The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge. Transcript This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form. AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman. Internal Israeli government documents have revealed the Israeli Ministry of Intelligence is recommending the forcible transfer of the entire population of Gaza to the Sinai Peninsula in Egypt. The 10-page document, which is dated October 13th, has been published in full by the Israeli news outlets Local Call and +972. The document recommends transferring all Palestinians to Egypt, then setting up a, quote, “sterile” zone of several kilometers near the border between Egypt and Gaza. In addition, the document recommends Israel then prevent the, quote, “return of the population to activities/residences near the border with Israel,” unquote. Fears of a new Nakba, or Catastrophe, have been growing ever since Israel ordered all Palestinians living in Gaza City and in north Gaza to vacate their homes and head south. On Monday, Palestinian U.N. Ambassador Riyad Mansour accused Israel of trying to depopulate Gaza. RIYAD MANSOUR: They want to depopulate the Gaza Strip completely from the entire population and throw them in the lap of Egypt in the Sinai Desert. … No one should justify our killing or find reasons to give more time to the killer. Call for an end of this assault on an entire nation. Stop the killings in the West Bank by settlers and occupation forces and the forced displacement underway there. AMY GOODMAN: We go now to Haifa in Israel, where we’re joined by the Israeli historian Ilan Pappé. He’s professor of history and the director of the European Centre for Palestine Studies at the University of Exeter. He’s the author of several books, including The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine and A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples, as well as The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge. Fifty years ago, Ilan Pappé fought in the Israeli military during the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, has since become a leading critic of Israel’s occupation. Professor Pappé, welcome back to Democracy Now! ILAN PAPPÉ: Thank you. AMY GOODMAN: If you can start off by talking about your take on what’s happening today? You just heard the doctor in Gaza, who just left Al-Shifa a few minutes ago. ILAN PAPPÉ: Yes, I think — Amy, it’s good to be back on your program. Thank you for having me. I think what we are seeing now, what unfolds in front of our eyes, is a genocidal situation, by which people are targeted, whether they are children, babies, in hospital or in schools. And this is a massive operation of killing, of ethnic cleansing, of depopulation. The pretext for that kind of savagery is revenge for what the Hamas did on the 7th of October, but I think the real intention here is not just revenge but trying to exploit what happened on the 7th of October to create new realities in historical Palestine. You called it a new Nakba. I think that this is — the Nakba has never really ended for the Palestinians, so it’s a new horrific chapter in the ongoing Nakba that the Palestinians are suffering here. So, this is a really horrific situation that can only be stopped from the outside, because there is no motivation inside Israel to stop the operations, nor to care more about the lives of innocent people, despite what the Israeli army claims to do in the field itself. AMY GOODMAN: I want to play a short clip of Prime Minister Netanyahu speaking over the weekend. PRIME MINISTER BENJAMIN NETANYAHU: [translated] You must remember what Amalek has done to you, says our Holy Bible. And we do remember, and we are fighting. Our brave troops and combatants, who are now in Gaza or around Gaza and in all other regions in Israel, are joining this chain of Jewish heroes, a chain that has started 3,000 years ago, from Joshua ben Nun until the heroes of 1948, the Six-Day War, the ’73 October War and all other wars in this country. Our hero troops, they have one supreme main goal: to completely defeat the murderous enemy and to guarantee our existence in this country. We have always said, “Never again.” Never again is now. AMY GOODMAN: And I want to play Netanyahu from last night. PRIME MINISTER BENJAMIN NETANYAHU: Calls for a ceasefire are calls for Israel to surrender to Hamas, to surrender to terrorism, to surrender to barbarism. That will not happen. AMY GOODMAN: Can you respond to the Israeli prime minister, Professor Pappé? ILAN PAPPÉ: Yes. I think the main attempt here is to make sure that people do not understand the context in which the Hamas operation occurred, to totally dishistoricize that event, to forget about the 15 years of inhuman siege on Gaza, of 56 years of a ruthless occupation and ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, and 75 years of not allowing refugees to come back to their homes. I think this is an attempt to Nazify the Palestinians, which is not new, by the way. The Israelis, every now and then, use it. If you remember, Menachem Begin compared Yasser Arafat in the bunker in 1982 to Hitler in the bunker. The Nazification of the Palestinians is meant to, first of all, license Israeli policies without any consideration to international law or human rights, and, secondly, to divert us from talking about the real issue here, which is not the Hamas or its actions on the 7th of October, but rather the situation that bred this kind of violence. Rather than talking about the symptom of violence, we should talk about the source of violence. And the source of violence has not changed. We have millions of Palestinians for years being oppressed, ruled and controlled by Israel, and they are fighting with the means that they have. And this is going to go on, unless, of course, there is a willingness to go back to the negotiation table and ask why the violence erupted in the first place and what are the best ways to prevent another cycle of violence in the future. There’s a second reason for Netanyahu’s rhetoric. Of course, he doesn’t want the Israeli media or the international community to deal with his own problems, that were very acute before the 7th of October, and to say, “This is now a situation where you cannot at all — well, this is a domestic issue. You cannot talk about me or my failures. This is a moment of existential threat to Israel.” And therefore, this kind of rhetoric will continue. And it’s very dangerous, not to mention the fact that it abuses — when they use the Holocaust, it abuses the Holocaust memory, because with all the horror of what happened on the 7th of October, this is not the Holocaust. And there’s no comparison between Palestinians, who act after years of oppression and siege, to Nazis, who just target Jews because they are Jews. There’s no comparison. This whole language is not the one to be used. And I think that Netanyahu is trying to galvanize a very vindictive Israel behind him. And the results of this kind of policy are unfolding in front of our eyes, and we just had this horrific and very moving kind of report that you had with the doctor from Gaza before me. AMY GOODMAN: Professor Pappé, can you talk about the hostage families? They don’t get a lot of attention, what they’re calling for, though they get tremendous attention for who these hostages are, and the people who were killed on October 7th. But there are many. For example, we interviewed Noy Katsman, the brother of Hayim, who was killed by Hamas on October 7th. He said his brother was a peace activist, and he himself said, “Not in my brother’s name.” He called for a ceasefire. And I wanted to ask you about this force of the hostage families and about the everybody-for-everybody proposal. On Friday, just after we got off the broadcast, it said, you know, “imminent major release.” And some thought that Netanyahu was pushing forward with the invasion more quickly because he didn’t want this possibility to happen. But explain the proposal of all hostages, over 200 of them, in return for all Palestinian prisoners, and who these prisoners are, close to 7,000 of them. ILAN PAPPÉ: Yes, I think that not everybody among the families, because I don’t think they’re all made of the same cloth, but many of them understand that the only way to bring their dear ones back home is this kind of an exchange of prisoners. We are talking about thousands of Palestinians who are incarcerated in Israeli jails, many of them without trials. And they are kind of — the allegations against them vary, from actual participation in guerrilla or violent actions against Israeli citizens or soldiers, and those who are incarcerated for being a member of a Palestinian organization. Some of them are very young. Some of them are women. Some of them are very old and have been there for a very long time. And some of them were just recently incarcerated without trial in the West Bank. They are all part of the Palestinian liberation movement. And it needs a very different Israeli perception of the Palestinian struggle and those who participated in its struggle to be able to say, indeed, this is only way forward — namely, to release all of them, to the last one, and receive all of the people who were taken by the Hamas on the 7th of October. What I can tell you, Amy, which is very interesting, is that former generals in the Israeli army, former heads of the Israeli Mossad and Shabak, the secret service, are supporting this kind of exchange. And this is a very important position that they are holding. And that may explain the fear on Netanyahu’s side to let this issue extend longer, because the voices that are calling for such an exchange are not coming from the extreme Israeli left or the liberal Zionists. They’re coming from some very powerful people, who were heading some of Israel’s most important institutions, such as the Mossad, the army and the secret service. Will it take place? I don’t know. It depends very much on how things unfold on the ground itself with the invasion, that nobody in Israel gives the Israeli public any details of how it goes on, but it seems that it doesn’t go as well as the Israelis claim it does, and depends a lot, of course, on the international community, because quite a few of the people who are held by the Hamas have also dual citizenship. But there’s no doubt, Amy, this is the only way to release the people who were taken on Saturday. Neither Israeli commando salvage operation nor piecemeal deal will bring all the people back. This is a situation where you can solve the problem and not delay it for another five or six years, with babies and old people who might not survive a long stay in captivity. AMY GOODMAN: Professor Pappé, you were born to German Jewish parents who fled German persecution, the Nazis, in the 1930s. You fought in 1973 in the Israeli military. Can you talk about your life trajectory and how you came to write a book talking about the ethnic cleansing of Palestine, and the response in Israeli society, your university, University of Haifa, and how you ended up at Exeter? ILAN PAPPÉ: Yes, it was — Amy, it was a journey. There was no one moment of epiphany or awakening that makes you actually take positions which will frame you as a traitor in your own society, and definitely would leave you with no reference group in your own society. For me, it was a journey that had many important stations, such as spending some time as a postgraduate student outside of Israel; having an Arab supervisor; looking, as an historian who was interested in the history of my own country, in the documentation that became available about 1948. So, all these possibilities outside to meet Palestinians on equal footing, to be able to research as a professional historian history or documentation that revealed evidence that contradicted, in a very significant way, the narrative on which I grew up on, all this led me to a moment where I thought that I understand what is going on in historical Palestine, what went on in historical Palestine. And I saw quite clearly, at least from my perspective, who were the victimizers, who were the victim, who was the colonizer, who was the colonized, who was the ethnic cleanser, and who was the victims of ethnic cleansing. And because my parents came from Germany, and because we lost a lot of people in the Holocaust, exactly because of that legacy, I felt I could not be indifferent to the suffering of the Palestinians, nor did I want to be part of the society that caused this suffering. And I think that as the years go by and the research becomes more and more intensive, and my understanding and relationship with the Palestinians become increased and widened, I am even more confident today than I was in the early years of my career, either as an activist or as a professional historian, that I’m very at peace with my moral positions toward Israel and Zionism. In 2006, that position led to pressure from my university to leave the university and to resign. So I had no choice. I had to resign, and I had to leave. I was very lucky to be offered a position in a university in Britain, where I founded the Centre for Palestine Studies. I am still a citizen of Israel. I’m still going to Israel and spending time in Israel and spending time in Britain, trying to divide between the two places. And I still believe that what I cherish as human rights, as human morality, is the only basis for better life for everyone concerned, Jews and Palestinians alike, in a state in the future that would be based on equality, that would not discriminate against people because of their nationality, religion or culture, and one which will rectify past evils and would allow refugees to return, and hopefully build a state that would radiate and influence the Middle East as a whole. AMY GOODMAN: Ilan Pappé, we want to thank you for being with us, professor of history, director of the European Centre for Palestine Studies at the University of Exeter, author of many books, including The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine and Gaza in Crisis, which he co-wrote with Noam Chomsky." |
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53713
From: mitra, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re:. War mongering
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Gee. Maybe the Arabs should not have initiated bombings, stabbings, shootings in 1947. What kind of war do you expect a people to fight when they have suffered extermination and exile? The Arabs arrogance brought them destruction. And why do you blame the Israelis without any note of attacks by Arabs? Why don't you call out the designers of the Israel map of 1948? You are so interested in history, this looks like a setup from the beginning. The Israelis appear not to have folded as was apparently designed. It is unfortunate the Arabs couldn't work with the Israelis, the result has been misery, as the anti- zionists foretold. |
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53741
From: chatillon, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: Re:. War mongering -
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Is it any wonder that would be the Arab reaction when they saw their homeland being taken over for some years already up to 1948? Along came Great Britain and its machinations, exacerbating the situation. Tensions were at the breaking point already. They saw what was coming and exploded. It had nothing to do with arrogance. They were being systematically forced out of their homes and villages by strangers. |
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53716
From: akira, [DNS_Address]
Subject: ?
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"What kind of war do you expect a people to fight when they have suffered extermination and exile?" Are you referring to Jews in Germany or Palestinians being exterminated and exiled from their land? |
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53717
From: mitra, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: ?
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Why, yes. The Jews in Germany and the Palestinians both have suffered. (But the Jews in Germany did not attack, bomb, stab, shoot to start.) And the Palestinians have a militaristic government using them as shields and fodder, the Jews in Germany did not. Hamas should surrender, this war needs to end. If it is true this war plays to Netanyahu's machinations, then throw a wrench into it with the surrender of Hamas. |
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53724
From: pamela, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: ?
URL: https://www.972mag.com/before-zionism-the-shared-life-of-jews-and-palestinians/
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https://www.972mag.com/before-zionism-the-shared-life- of-jews-and-palestinians/ Before the advent of Zionism and Arab nationalism, Jews and Palestinians lived in peace in the holy land. Menachem Klein’s new book maps out an oft-forgotten history of Israel/Palestine, and offers some guidance on how we may go back to that time. By Noam Rotem |
53729
From: chatillon, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Who is Ilan Pappe?
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That is exactly what Pappe recounted. I've read stories of how the Jews, Christians and Muslims would babysit each other's children and help out in each other's religious celebrations. |
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53732
From: pamela, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: Who is Ilan Pappe?
| 👍🤗 me too. |
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53728
From: mitra, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: ?
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Thank you. I wonder how many generations it will take before that accord is possible again. |
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53735
From: chaskuchar@stcharlesmo, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: ?
| 1. witness Rwanda where peace follows genocide. |
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53719
From: akira, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: ?
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you're claiming Palestinians were attacking Israelis prior to the UN's adoption of the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine, which gave Israel domain over Palestinian land? Got a source? |
53725
From: mitra, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: 1947. Arabs attack
URL: https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/the-battle-for-jerusalem-1947-1948
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On November 29, 1947, the United Nations approved a plan to partition the country. A day later, while Jews in Jerusalem, as in all parts of the country, were still celebrating the resolution that effectively established a Jewish state, Arab mobs attacked the Jewish commercial center near Jaffa Gate. The Haganah tried to defend the site, but the Arabs, under British protection, destroyed the center. The War of Independence had begun. Jerusalem was totally isolated from other Jewish settlement centers in the country, surrounded by numerous Arab villages and still subject to British rule, which, though ostensibly neutral, in fact, tended to side with the Arabs. Haganah forces fought valiantly in every Jewish neighborhood and area. The Arab Legion from Transjordan, under British command, was poised on the outskirts of the city, ready to join the battle for Jerusalem. Arab troops blocked access to Hadassah Hospital and the Hebrew University campus on Mount Scopus. On April 13, a convoy carrying doctors and supplies was ambushed and 78 Jews, including 23 women, and one British soldier, were killed. On April 17, the Harel Brigade under the command of Yitzhak Rabin brought supplies to the besieged Jews in the Old City but the relief was shortlived as the city was cutoff three days later. Jewish Jerusalem fought for its life for more than half a year. War raged not only all around, but deep inside. Two bombs, one at the National Institutions and the other on Ben Yehuda Street, took their toll of casualties. Jerusalem was cut off from the rest of the country, and Haganah forces had to break through in large convoys engaged in bloody battles. The siege tightened. It was time for Jerusalem's "protective belt" - the agricultural villages established on its outskirts on JNF land - to prove themselves. Through the winter of 1948, Atarot and Neveh Yaacov in the north withstood recurrent attack. Transportation was conducted under battle and there were casualties. Upon the establishment of the State of Israel and the invasion of the Arab Legion, they could no longer hold out, and the settlements were abandoned under cover of night. Atarot and Neveh Yaacov were conquered by the Jordanians and remained under Jordanian rule until the reunification of the city in June 1967. In the southwest, Jewish Jerusalem was defended by the small border neighborhood of Makor Haim, which faced large Arab villages, including Malha and Beit Tzafafa. Makor Haim was far from the city's other Jewish neighborhoods, and the road to it passed through Arab areas. Haganah forces took up position there, withstood attack and shelling, used it as a base for a counter- attack, and prevented infiltration from this direction. The staunch war fought by Makor Haim stands out in the annals of Jerusalem under siege. Kibbutz Ramat Rahel stood at the southern and southwestern entrances to the city. Flanked by the neighborhoods of Talpiot and Arnona, it defended the city on the southern front against numerous Arab forces from Hebron and Bethlehem. Upon the British departure from the city at the conclusion of the Mandate, Haganah forces captured various neighborhoods and centers in the new city. On that day, May 14, 1948, the Arab Legion, accompanied by armored corps, began to advance on Jerusalem from the north and the east, while Egyptian forces made their way up from the south, based themselves at Bethlehem, and attempted to break through to Jerusalem to join up with the Jordanian forces in the heart of the city. The Jordanians, advancing from the north, cut off access to Mt. Scopus and moved into the city. The points at which they were stopped by Haganah forces were to delineate the border between Israeli and Jordanian Jerusalem for 19 years: Mandelbaum Gate in the north and the Notre Dame Church opposite the Old City walls. At the same time, an Egyptian armored column set out from Bethlehem to try to break through northwards. At the boundary of Jerusalem, it was stopped by the defenders at Ramat Rahel. The Egyptians shelled the kibbutz for several days, succeeding in breaking through and forcing the defenders to retreat. Palmach reinforcements were called in, and soldiers of the Fifth Brigade, together with the Ramat Rahel defenders, recaptured the kibbutz on May 22. The Egyptians in the west and south, and the Jordanians in the east, from the direction of the Judean Desert, for days shelled the city in waves, but were unsuccessful and retreated south, along the Hebron Road, in order to reinforce the areas they held in the foothills. Ramat Rahel had stopped the assault on Jerusalem from the south. |
53730
From: akira, [DNS_Address]
Subject: exactly(NT)
| (NT) |
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53731
From: mitra, [DNS_Address]
Subject: Re: exactly
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They announced the plan in 1947... It didn't go into effect until mid year 1948. The Arabs attacked the next day after it was announced. No negotiation, or mitigating, or conversation, just violence. Bad juju. |
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